From 19th century London to the former Yugoslavia of the 1950s and Eastern Ukraine in 2024, the words “hooligan” and “ultras” remain constant fixtures in the news. We spoke with journalist and author James Montague about the history and culture of the fans movement, its association with violence, and its contemporary forms and expressions.
“Sorry for the delay, but I’m travelling. I’m in Belgrade for the West Ham game. Can we talk tomorrow morning?”
That was one of the first messages exchanged via X (formerly Twitter) with British writer and journalist James Montague. Born in Chelmsford, a small town in the county of Essex, he now resides in Istanbul and is considered one of the foremost experts on football history and fan culture. He has covered these topics for media outlets such as the New York Times, CNN, and the BBC, and has written four books on the subject.
In one of them, titled 1312 Among the Ultras: A journey with the world’s most extreme fans, he recounts his firsthand observations and experiences both on and off the field with fans from diverse teams across 15 countries, while he also outlines the intricate connections between football, politics, and organised crime.
The interview didn’t take place immediately after his trip to Belgrade, but rather a few days later, via Zoom, as part of iMEdD’s investigation into fan violence, featured in the audio documentary “Hooligan Express.” During our discussion, we explored the origins of terms like “ultras” and “hooligans,” the interplay between the fan movement and politics, the war in Ukraine, and how the infamous, so called “twinnings” are connected not only to violent incidents like the one in Nea Filadelfeia last August but also with geopolitical developments across the Old Continent.
Ultras and Hooligans
Reports suggest that the term “hooligan” originated in the late 19th century, initially referring to a family of Irish immigrants in London featured in comic books of the era. Over time, its meaning evolved, particularly from the 1970s onwards, to describe violent football fans known for inciting riots and clashes with both rival supporters and law enforcement.
The term “ultras,” on the other hand, has a more “romantic” origin. It emerged in Europe, notably in the Croatian town of Split on the Adriatic coast. Croatian footballers who participated in the 1950 World Cup as part of the Yugoslav national team encountered the ultras culture on the pitches in Brazil. Upon returning to Split, they recounted their experiences to friends, thus introducing the ultras model to the other side of the Atlantic. The Brazilian version of fervent supporters was termed “Torcida,” a name that persists to this day for the hardcore fans of Hajduk Split.
The distinct origins of these two concepts also signify a substantial difference between them. This was among the first things Montague emphasised during our conversation: “A lot of people confuse ultras with hooligans, when they are two completely different concepts.” According to Montague, ultras culture revolves around fervent support for the team and going above and beyond to demonstrate it. “Violence is certainly a part of that culture, but it’s not the primary focus, and it’s often not the primary motivation behind what we witness unfolding on football pitches,” he explains.
Violence is certainly a part of that culture, but it’s not the primary focus, and it’s often not the primary motivation behind what we witness unfolding on football pitches
James Montague, Journalist and writer
The manner in which this violence manifests itself is a compelling aspect of contemporary fan culture in itself. “One of the most interesting aspects of football-related violence over the past 15 to 20 years is the fact that violence is no longer part of the match day experience but has moved to another realm – that of arranged organised fighting – which can take place far away from the stadium, in places like forests, disused factories or similar locations.” The transition of violence away from the pitch is also crucial in molding the ultras culture and distinguishing it from what we commonly identify as hooliganism. “Ultras culture has become less violent, much like the match day experience on the pitch. Nowadays, violence tends to occur among individuals seeking confrontation with one another, away from the scrutiny of law enforcement or other civilians.”
Ukraine: The war of the Ultras
One arena where the persistence of violence within ultras culture has become glaringly evident in recent years is the war in Ukraine. In this context, the violence not only shifted away from the football field but escalated to an entirely different level: armed conflict on the front lines of war. According to Montague, one of the lesser-known aspects of this conflict is that it’s essentially a war involving ultras. As he explained during the discussion, there are battalions and units on both sides of the border, founded by and comprised entirely of ultras and hooligans. “The Azov Brigade was established by individuals from Ukraine’s organised fan community. Conversely, the Española Brigade brings together supporters and hooligans from various football clubs in Russia.“
The fan communities, the ultras communities, the hooligan communities, serve as significant recruitment pools, especially for foreign fighters. They find themselves on the side that their teams are friendly with or have animosity towards
James Montague, Journalist and writer
This aspect of war is also connected to another characteristic of ultras culture – that of the so-called “twinnings”. Alongside joint actions during away matches, as exemplified by the incident in Nea Filadelfeia involving fans of Dinamo Zagreb and Panathinaikos, allied ultras also appear to collaborate during times of war. In the case of Ukraine, both sides reportedly attract fans from other countries: “Serbian ultras align with the Russians. This means that Croatian ultras stand with Ukrainians. This is something that has brought fans of Dynamo Kyiv and Dinamo Zagreb closer,” says Montague.
The “international relations” of ultras and their political ramifications have shifted from the stadium to the front lines of war. “And, you know, the fan communities, the ultras communities, the hooligan communities, serve as significant recruitment pools, especially for foreign fighters. They find themselves on the side that their teams are friendly with or have animosity towards. It’s truly remarkable when you consider it,” adds the British journalist and author.
Football and politics or “From passion to consumption”
Montague argues that stadiums serve as a mirror that reflects social discontent, particularly among the lower social strata. He suggests that politics is an inherent component of football: “Attempting to separate politics from football, from sports, is akin to attempting to separate politics from art or politics from politics itself.” In our interview, he stressed that what sustains politics in football, thereby rendering it a vibrant social phenomenon, is the ultras: “Remove the ultras from football, and you’re left with something that is not football anymore.”
Besides the fans, politics in football is also intertwined with another aspect. Since the 1960s-1970s, football has progressively transitioned into a professionalised industry worldwide. Clubs have turned into faceless corporations, and the fan-consumer model has been promoted. As sociology professor Yiannis Zaimakis states in his article titled “The Political Economy of Football in Late Modernity,” this model “has weaker ties with the club and its locality, fewer commitments, and greater flexibility in its football choices.” In the same article, Zaimakis also notes that the emergence of televised match coverage played a significant role in the commercialisation of the sport, transforming football into a spectacle and footballers into celebrities. As the sociology professor points out: (the commercialisation of football) “Ushered in the shift from passion to consumption.”
Attempting to separate politics from football, from sports, is akin to attempting to separate politics from art or politics from politics itself
James Montague, Journalist and writer
“Nowadays, in England, (football) has become a form of entertainment, like going to the cinema or the opera. This renders football somewhat sterile,” Montague tells iMEdD when discussing the commercialisation trends in the sport. “While it does create a valuable product, one must question, for whom?” Montague wonders, stressing that, in the Premier League, ticket prices are prohibitively high, making it impossible for individuals from middle or lower social classes to attend matches. “The Premier League product doesn’t actually rely on fans. I mean, it does need them to occupy the stadiums, to maintain that illusion of an electrifying atmosphere – which serves as a substitute for what it once was – but, nowadays, it’s all about TV rights, sponsorship, and commercial deals. The people attending stadiums today are much wealthier than before,” he concludes.
Listen to the three episodes of the audio documentary “Hooligan Express – A journey into the unknown world of ultras” here.
